The Haitian people do not have access to all of the resources that they need in order to create the future that they desire. Successive Haitian government administrations have made all sorts of promises of progress but none have managed to build lasting social and physical infrastructure to prevent national crises. Unfortunately, this imposed reality has become the norm. Although in economic discussions about Haiti, the focus is always on poverty, the country is also home to a few wealthy individuals and families that possess the capital necessary to turn the country around. Somehow, this has not been possible in the last 200 hundred years. On one hand, we have a ruling class that cooperates with foreigners to enact personal agendas in the country at the expense of the masses (Wilkinson, 2010). On the other hand, Haitians have had to grapple with the debilitating colonial legacies of European and American led occupations, coups, and general pillaging.
After French colonization, the American occupation became the latest form of domination to have a major impact on the national direction of Haiti. In 1915, the United States officially occupied Haiti until 1934. During the nearly two decades long occupation, the U.S. destabilized Haiti and positioned itself in a way that even today, we can say that the U.S. has never truly stopped occupying Haiti. One major way these two colonial legacies still affect Haiti is through the “centralization” of power, resources, and opportunity in the country. This has led many Haitians to realize that true advancement for the island will require that it undergoes a process of “decentralization” or “desantralizasyon” in Kreyòl.
When I was a child, I used to hear the grown ups talk about “decentralization” when discussing the future of the country. They used to say that if we can realize this dream, things would improve in Haiti. There are those who would like to see the same services and opportunities that are available in Port-au-Prince--electricity, fire stations, and universities--to be available in all cities and towns. There are also those who advocate for the distribution of the power that sits in the Capital, to extend it to every corner of the country for the benefit of all Haitians and the land.
Decentralization represents a collective desire for true democratization in Haiti. In a decentralized Haiti, the national government would feed municipal administrations with both money and executive power to stimulate local economies. This would allow provincial cities to grow and become less and less dependent on Pòtoprens. The refusal to do this has led to a system where power and resources are ideas that reside very far from the touch and sight of the Haitian masses.
During the years of colonization, France established a system of dependence in Saint Domingue (now Haiti) in which the majority of economic and political decisions were made in Paris. Our ancestors toiled to harvest raw materials to maintain French factories and pockets. Back then, the country was organized in plantations, all roads and infrastructure were created to connect the plantations to the ports. This is evident today as the port cities in Haiti are still the most populated and economically active.
When the Americans arrived, they followed a similar strategy. They ransacked our gold reserves, massacred the Creole pigs, and murdered more than 10,000 Haitians. They went as far as, “ensuring that all roads literally led to Port-au-Prince” (Byrd, 2015). They strengthened the power of the executive branch of the central government at the expense of local agency.
The fact that Port-au-Prince is the main seat of power and commerce today is not accidental. It is a legacy of foreign domination that our politicians and business class refuse to correct due to their own self-interests. Their interests clearly do not match with those of the people. When the Capital is at a standstill because of political fights, corruption, and lies, it is felt by everybody in the country in some way, shape, or form, but it is the tired and exploited Haitian masses who feel it the most.
The Haitians masses and their allies in the Diaspora are without much immediate power. Though the funds can be raised and the necessary infrastructure can be built, they will not be enough if things don’t change at the top. The political and business classes have not shown much diligence in addressing the humongous gaps that exist in education and quality of life. One day when Haiti is free again, I imagine the people will take the time and care to create a strong central government with interdependent departments, cities, and towns for the benefit of Haiti and the whole Caribbean region as before.
Kreyòl Ayisyen
Jounen Jodi a, li pa fasil pou mas pèp Ayisyen an jwenn tout resous li bezwen pou li kreye avni li dezire a. Administrasyon politik yo toujou fè pwomès yo konnen yo p ap janm kenbe e chak gouvènman ki parèt pa janm rive mete peyi a sou yon wout devlopman ki ka dire. Reyalite sa a vin tounen yon bagay nòmal nan peyi a. Nan diskisyon ekonomik sou Ayiti, fokis la rete souvan sou sijè pwovrete a, men Ayiti genyen tou yon klas moun ki si tèlman rich, yo t ap gen ase lajan pou yo mete ansanm pou yo chanje peyi a. Malgre sa, yo pa janm regle anyen serye pou pèp la pandan 200 lane ki gentan pase yo depi nou te vin yon nasyon, yon pèp. Lè nou byen gade, Ayiti gen yon klas moun rich ki mete ansanm avèk etranje pou yo fè pase ajanda pèsonèl ki se toupizi peyi a (Wilkinson, 2010). Asanm avèk pwoblèm sa a, peyi an ap lite anba tout lòt vestij okipasyon, koudeta, ak malonèt istorik peyi Ewopeyen yo ak Ameriken yo kite dèyè pou li.
Aprè kolonizasyon lafrans lan, okipasyon Ameriken an te vin jwe yon gwo wòl nan kreyasyon reyalite peyi a jwenn tèt li jounen jodi a. Nan lane 1915, Etazini te pran kontwòl Ayiti ofisyèlman nan yon misyon okipasyon ki dire jiska 1934. Pandan de dizèn ane sa yo, Etazini te destabilize Ayiti nan yon fason stratejik ki fè nan lane 2021 an, nou ka di okipasyon an poko fini vre. Youn nan pi gwo fason istwa kolonizasyon ak okipasyon sa yo afekte peyi a toujou se nan sijè “santralizasyon” pouvwa, resous, ak opòtinite. Sa vin fè anpil Ayisyen reyalize, pou peyi a avanse, fò nou akonpli yon pwosesi ki rele “desantralizasyon”.
Depi lè m piti m ap tande granmoun yo pale sou “desantralizasyon” lè yo ap diskite avni peyi a. Yo te konn di konsa si nou ka rive acheve rèv sa a, tout bagay t ap vin miyò nan peyi a. Nan tande konsa, mwen te vin aprann kijan yo panse desantralizasyon an dwe materyalize nan lavi nou. Gen moun ki ta renmen wè tout sèvis ak posibilite ki disponib nan Pòtoprens tankou elektrisite, ponpye, ak inivèsite vin disponib nan lòt vil yo, nan bouk yo tou. Gen lòt ki ale pi lwen toujou, yo ta renmen wè sous pouvwa ki chita nan Kapital la gaye nan tout kwen peyi a pou benefis Ayisyen ak Ayiti.
Ansanm, ide desantralizasyon sa yo reprezante volisyon kolektif pèp la. Nan yon Ayiti desantralize, gouvènman nasyonal la t ap separe plis lajan ak pouvwa bay depatman yo pou lòt vil andeyò yo ka kreye endistri pa yo. Sa te ka rann lòt vil yo grandi e fè Kapital la vin mwens enpòtan nan vi kotidyen pèp la. Aprè tout ane sa yo, nou pa ka di nou nan yon pozisyon pou nou desantralize; alèkile mas pèp la pa ka ni wè ni manyen pouvwa ak richès ki egziste nan peyi a.
Pandan lane kolonizasyon yo, lafrans te antre Sen Domeng nan yon sistèm depandans kote majorite desizyon ekonomik ak politik te fèt Pari. Sa se te lè kolon yo te fè zanzèt nou yo bourike pou kreye pwodui pou Lafrans. Tout sa nou voye, yo pase yo nan faktori pou kreye plizyè machandiz pou yo fè lajan. Pandan ane sa yo, peyi a te òganize an plantasyon, tout wout te la pou yo konekte plantasyon yo avèk pò ekspòtasyon yo. Menm jodi a nou ka wè jan pi gwo vil nan peyi a se vil ki bò lanmè yo.
Pandan lane okipasyon yo, Ameriken yo te itilize yon strateji ki konparab a sa ki te egziste pandan ane kolonyal fransè yo. Non sèlman Ameriken yo te touye plis ke 10,000 Ayisyen, yo te vòlè tout lò nou te genyen nan rezèv nou, yo te masakre tout kochon kreyòl nou yo, epi yo te “asire ke tout wout (nan peyi a) mennen Pòtoprens” (Byrd, 2015). Jounen Jodi a nou wè se Pòtoprens ki chèz prensipal pouvwa ak komès nan peyi a, se pa yon aksidan.
Se yon eritaj etranje yo kite dèyè men politisyen nou yo ak klas dominan an refize chanje paske lè li rete konsa, li pi fasil pou yo pyafe. Sa deja demontre enterè moun sa yo avèk enterè mas pèp Ayisyen an pa menm. Lè Kapital la pa mache paske politisyen ap goumen, ap angaje nan koripsyon, ap pale fransè, tout moun nan tout kwen peyi a soufri se vre men se mas pèp la ki deja tou fatige, tou eksplwate ki soufri plis.
Malerezman, mas pèp la avèk alye yo li genyen nan dyaspora a pa gen pouvwa imedyat nan chanjman sistèm sa a ki egziste Ayiti. Menmlè vre nou ka sanble nenpòt kantite lajan e nou ka bati toutkalite enfrastrikti nan peyi a, anyen pa p chanje fondamantalman si sistèm tradisyonèl la rete konsa. Klas politik la avèk klas dominan an pa montre okenn ijans ni nan adrese diferans ki genyen nan edikasyon pèp la ni nan chanje kalite vi ki posib Ayiti. Yon jou lè peyi a libere ankò, Ayisyen ap ka degaje yo pou yo kreye yon gouvènman nasyonal ki fò e byen makonnen nan yon sistèm entèdepandan avè pwovens yo.
Sources: Byrd, Brandon. (2015). “ Reflecting on the U.S. Occupation of Haiti, One Hundred Years Later”. AAIS.org Wilkinson, T. (2010). “Haiti’s Elite Hold Nation’s Future in Their Hands”. Latimes.com